Mortimer Wheeler Major Discovery Maiden Castle Essay Example

Mortimer Wheeler Major Discovery Maiden Castle Paper * What led the archaeologist to the site? Through his work, Wheeler had acquired an interest for excavating and examining sites in Britain. He had previously excavated Roman remains in Essex, Wales and Verulamium, a Pre-Roman settlement near St. Albans in England1. Maiden Castle, in Dorset County, offered much in the way of archaeology. It was thought to contain much evidence from Iron Age and Roman periods and offered a challenge for archaeologists to unearth its rich past. Mortimer Wheeler was drawn to the site because of the prospect of unearthing a piece in the puzzle of early British and Roman history. Wheeler saw it a challenge that he was up to, he attempted to use his experience to piece together a missing part in British history. We will write a custom essay sample on Mortimer Wheeler Major Discovery Maiden Castle specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Mortimer Wheeler Major Discovery Maiden Castle specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Mortimer Wheeler Major Discovery Maiden Castle specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer * His methods of excavation. One of the main reasons Mortimer Wheeler is remembered today is for his pioneering of the box grid system. He developed a system that divided the field into small squares, each separated by a narrow baulk2. As the site of Maiden Castle was so large it was imperative that finds and their data were accurately recorded. Wheeler maintained strict control of his sites and meticulous organisation of stratigraphy, and all other aspects of operations on site, was exercised. It was commented that it took on the appearance of a military operation3. Each box had team with a leader who reported to Wheeler. As well as his use of the box grid method, Wheeler also used long narrow trenches alongside the boxes as well as exposing large areas of earth in the same area. He was very particular about finding, preserving as much evidence as possible in order to present accurate findings4. For example the discovery of certain fragments of ash in one of the stratum of the site led him to draw certain concl usions about the events that occurred there. * Problems encountered. Because of the protruding nature of the site of Maiden Castle it is easy to presume that excavation of the site would not pose much of a problem in regard to finding evidence. Because of the nature of the site and the civilisations that inhabited it this was not the case. After 2000 years of erosion much of the battlements and surrounding evidence had been destroyed5. Another problem in discovering evidence was the long periods of use undergone by the site. The site had been occupied by many civilisations including Neolithic, late Stone Age/early Bronze Age, Iron Age, Roman and possibly Saxon people. Because of the extensive use of the site much valuable information and evidence was destroyed, looted or misplaced6. * Significance of the discovery. The discovery of Maiden Castle was a huge discovery in the history of early Europe and its progression into modern times. Maiden Castle is the largest known hill fort in Europe and paints a vivid picture about the lives, technologies and cultures of the early Celtic settlement in the British Isles7. The evidence uncovered at Maiden Castle gives an indication of the likely militaristic nature of the Iron Age people who constructed the fort as we know it today. The data acquired from the castle also proves and confirms aspects of Roman occupation in Britain and their culture of the time8. * Problems of Reconstructing/Preservation When it comes to Maiden Castle there has been much disagreement and dispute over what events actually took place there. Mortimer Wheelers excavations led him to develop what was seen as a very elaborate and fictitious story about what occurred when the fort passed hands from the Celtic Durotriges tribe to the Romans9. Mortimers account was highly fictional involving a extremely vicious Roman massacre of all within the castle setting fire to all buildings and pillaging it to the ground10. This reconstruction by Mortimer was challenged by many archaeologists and has since been proven wrong11. This raises questions about the credibility of Wheelers work and poses doubts about whether this is truly what Wheeler believed of whether it was done for publicity reasons. Preservation of Maiden Castle was a big issue because of the exposed location of the structure. Maiden Castle has already undergone much degradation and erosion and measure to prevent further destruction of the site were undertaken by the English Heritage Commission12.

The changes of Phillips curve under global economy, from two aspects of international trade and international finance to discuss Phillips curve ---relationship between inflation and unemployment. The WritePass Journal

The changes of Phillips curve under global economy, from two aspects of international trade and international finance to discuss Phillips curve -relationship between inflation and unemployment. Introduction The changes of Phillips curve under global economy, from two aspects of international trade and international finance to discuss Phillips curve relationship between inflation and unemployment. IntroductionThe purpose of researchThe outline and methodologyList of References:Related Introduction During the Great Depression which was a severe worldwide economic depression in the decade preceding World Warâ… ¡, western countries experienced the high unemployment rate. In 1936, Keynes who is a British economist published the famous â€Å"The general theory of employment, interest and money†. The theory was helpful for policy makers to tackle unemployment. (Mankiw,G and Taylor,M) However, after 1950s, inflation became the most concerned economic issue around the world in replace of unemployment. Due to the price rigidity, inflation couldn’t be explained by Keynesian economics. The Phillips curve is named after a New Zealand-born economist A.W.Phillips. In1958, he published an article† The Relationship between Unemployment and the Rate of Change of Money Wages in the United Kingdom 1861–1957† in the quarterly economic journal Economica. Phillips observed the data of unemployment rate and the rate of wage inflation and concluded an inverse relationship between money wage changes and unemployment in United Kingdom during the period time examined. In the following years, Phillips curve was successfully demonstrated to be found in many countries. The IS-LM model is a macroeconomic tool that demonstrates the relationship between interest rates and real output in the goods and services market and the money market (Wikipedia).It can explain the aggregate demand and determine the employment. And the Phillips curve can express the aggregate supply of macroeconomics and explain the inflation. Thus, main Keynes’s theory consists of IS-LM model and Phillips Curve from two aspects of aggregate demand and supply. The Phillips Curve also has the significant meaning for economy policy: that is, macroeconomic policy can be trade-off between inflation and unemployment. The government can use higher inflation rate to achieve lower unemployment and vice versa. Therefore, the Phillips curve was considered as the main economic tool to make policy. However, when people thought IS-LM model and Phillips curve could explain major macroeconomic issues, some economists began to doubt the accuracy of Phillips curve, one typical representative is Edmund Phelps, who is the winner of Nobel Prize for Economics in 2006. He suggested that inflation is not only related with unemployment but also related with the growth of prices and wages expected by employers and workers. His research contributed important insights in the Phillips curve which include adaptive expectation and imperfect information in the setting of prices and wages. Additionally, he presented the concept of the natural rate of unemployment and he thinks that there is no long run trade-off between inflation and unemployment. (Edmund S Phelps,1968).It can be seen from Figure 1,assume that at the beginning, the expected inflation rate is 0 and the natural rate of unemployment is 6%,under this situation, the economy is at point A and the Phillips curve is P1.If the economy is i ntervened by government, that is the government wants to use 4% inflation rate to achieve 3% unemployment rate, that means reaching point B; assume that the government achieves the goal, workers expect their real wages to decline, thus the nominal wages are required to increase to maintain their purchasing power. On the other hand, employers hire fewer workers due to the increases in wages, therefore, the unemployment rate return to the natural rate of unemployment. At this moment, the economy is at point C. The Phillips curve shifts upwards to P2.As a result, government’s economic policies do not work, that means inflation rate increases, however, unemployment rate does not go down. This is so-called†Phillips Curve with expectation†. Figure 1   Phillips Curve with expectation At present, the widely accepted view about Phillips curve is that â€Å"because people adjust their expectations of inflation over time, the tradeoff between inflation and unemployment holds only in short run.†(Mankiw, G and Taylor, M)New Keynesian economists modify the Phillips curve from two aspects: firstly, considering expectation; secondly, considering the supply shock. The purpose of research The reason why I am planning to focus my research on this topic is that with the development of economy globalization, the proportion of trade between countries or economies increase rapidly. For example, in 2005, the world merchandise trade and services trade account for world GDP respectively 47% and 11%, however, in 1990, those figures are respectively 32% and 8%.During the period of 1990 to 2005, the aggregate amount of world exports has increased annually by 9%, however, the average growth rate of world GDP was only 3%.Thus, under economic globalization, when modifying Phillips curve, the openness should be considered. My dissertation is aimed to analyze how Phillips curve shifts and changes under economic globalization. The outline and methodology At present, the major researches about this issue are focusing on NKPC model and put the model into small open economies to do empirical analysis. Then the New Keynesian Phillips Curve can be obtained. There are two methods can be used to modify the NKPC model: the first one is extended model of difference between domestic and foreign prices (Sbordone, 2002; Gali and Monacelli, 2005); second one is extended model of foreign exchange rate (Temple, 2002; Reinhart and Rogoff, 2004). The outline of my dissertation is that firstly, presenting the theory and general New Keynesian Phillips curve model, then modify it from two aspects of international trade and international finance. Secondly, analyzing the influences of domestic inflation and employment which are from international factors. The New Keynesian Phillips Curve model is generally written in the form: Ï€t=ÃŽ ±Ãâ‚¬t-1+ÃŽ ²Et(Ï€t+1)+ÃŽ ³costt. Assume that Ï€t is inflation rate at time t, Ï€t-1 is inflation rate at time (t-1), Et(Ï€t+1) is expected inflation rate of time t+1 according to that at time t, costt is cost of production per unit at time t,ÃŽ ±Ã¢Ë†Ë†(0,1),ÃŽ ²Ã¢Ë†Ë†(0,1),ÃŽ ³Ã¢Ë†Ë†(0,1).My research mainly focus on four aspects: 1)inflation effect on unit product cost, considering the formula above, the third part on the right is the changes of unit product cost under economy globalization. 2)inflation effect on international capital flow, the second part on the right of the formula above is expected inflation which makes individuals expect domestic real interest rates to change, people choose to invest in foreign.3)lagged effect of inflation, the first part on the right of the f ormula above is adaptive expectation.4)effect of inflation on employment ,overall, whether unemployment rate increases or decreases   depend on other factors ,for instance, domestic employment rate and trade policy. Thirdly, choosing two developed countries which are U.S and UK and one developing country which is Brazil and using OECD database or other databases to obtain figures about CPI, GDP implicit deflator, import price index and unemployment rate. The time period selected is 1992 to 2010 .Then using these data to do empirical analysis about NKPC model under economic globalization. Finally, getting the conclusion. The expected results I want to get are that under economic globalization, in the short run, inflation rate and prices of imports shift in the same direction. The lower the prices of imports are, the smaller the slope of Phillips curve is and vice versa. As Figure 2 indicates, I also expect that Phillips curves with different slopes adjust to different countries. The line â‘   with flatter slope is suited for developed countries due to the lower imports prices. However, the line â‘ ¢ with steeper slope is suited for developing countries because of its higher imports prices. The framework of this dissertation consists of four parts: The theory of Phillips curve Shifts and changes of NKPC model under economic globalization Empirical analysis about NKPC model under economic globalization The significance of the theory and conclusion. List of References: Mankiw, G and Taylor, M, Macroeconomics. European Edition, p295 Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IS/LM_model Phelps, Edmund S. (1968). Money-Wage Dynamics and Labor Market Equilibrium. Journal of Political Economy 76 (S4): 678–711 Argia M. Sbordone, â€Å"Prices and unit labor costs: a new test of price stickiness†, Journal of Monetary Economics, (Elsevier: March, 2002) vol.49 (2), pages 265-292 Jordi Gali and Tommaso Monacelli,†Monetary Policy and Exchange rate Volatility in a small open economy†, Review of Economic Studies, (Blackwell Publishing: 2005), vol.72 (3), pp.707-734 07 Jonathan Temple,†Openness, Inflation and the Phillips Curve a Puzzle†, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, (Blackwell Publishing: May, 2002), vol.34 (2), pp.450-68 Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S.Rogoff, â€Å"The Modern History of Exchange Rate Arrangements : A Reinterpretation†, The Quarterly Journal of Economics(MIT Press: February 2004) vol.119(1),pp.1-48

Report Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Report - Assignment Example The four year court battle resulted into a hefty $1.5bn dollar penalty to the affected regulators in the US, UK and Switzerland. It is against this backdrop of failures by such financial institutions entrusted with this critical role that this report is compiled. The scope of this report is to try and quantify the effect of risk attitude on company performance indicators and the impact this may have on their perceived change of attitude (Shotter, 2012). To achieve this goal, Chief executive officers (CEOs) of large financial institutions in the City of London were asked to fill in a questionnaire aimed at assessing their attitude towards risks. The so called large financial institutions were those listed in The Financial Times as so, based on the size of their workforce. Data Primary data was collected from 100 CEOs where their responses on the questionnaire were scored out of 30 -one being the most conservative towards risks and 30 being the highest risk assessment. Baseline informa tion provided the secondary data for the same set of financial institutions, gathered from two articles published in 2007 and in 2009 that had measured the risks in these same institutions. Data on three additional variables was also collected in order to assess the volatility in performance of the companies. Table 1 summarizes the variables of interest for this analysis. Table 1: Variables description Variable Description RISKATT_AFTER CEOs questionnaire score RISKATT_BEFORE Baseline data from publications MAX_SHARE The maximum share price of the company in the last 30 days MIN_SHARE The minimum share price of the company in the last 30 days SD_SHARE The standard deviation of the share prices of the company in the last 30 days Objectives With this information, we sought to answer the following objectives: 1) To assess the change of CEOs attitude towards risk before and after the UBS bank scandal 2) To quantify the correlation (if any) between the companies’ risk attitudes an d their volatility. Methodology In seeking to meet the above set objectives, statistical analysis tools were applied. In particular SPSS statistical software version 20 was used for the analysis. Moreover, the nature of the data was taken into account in choosing the methodology to use. For instance, for the first objective, we wished to assess the difference in risk assessment before and after the UBS bank scandal. The data was collected from the same companies hence forming dependent pairs. For this objective therefore, an appropriate test was the paired t-test. For the second objective, an extra variable coded as the SHARE_RANGE was derived by getting the range in the company’s share price for the past 30 days. This was to be used as a predictor for a regression model. Scatter plot matrices as well as Pearson’s correlation estimates were obtained as a guide to assessing the linear relation between the variables of interest and where appropriate, linear regression mo dels were fit and the necessary diagnostics performed. Results Results of performing a paired t-test on the companies’ score on risk assessment before and after the UBS bank scandal are summarized in the following section. To begin with, a

Project Cost Control Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Project Cost Control - Essay Example Costs are defined as anything that does not add value to the system rather consumes resources, capital, time or other related functions and components of the project. Steve Odland, in his assessment of the methods by which the costs may be controlled defines the interaction with the customers as one of the reasons based on which the costs can be controlled. According to his views, the customers provide sufficient information and guidelines regarding the utility based projects and items and those that do not add value or are little needed and desired by the customers. The response of the customers enable knowing what to produce and what to avoid in the future trends and projects (Odland, 2012). Another area that is often termed as a serious point with regard to the handling of the costs is the inventory. Inventory often takes up large amount of resources and material. Many companies and projects fail only because of the bulk of the inventory in stock. The stocks lead to consuming space, budget and other associated items which result in the non production of the productive items and products that would otherwise be kept and reserved in limited quantity (KACHWALA, 2009, p. 92). Identifying the defective products, processes and all those activities and components that lead to the consumption of resources, energy and material are amounted to as costs. The time and resources spent would otherwise be spent in the production of the new items and material. Adhering to the terms and conditions that are set forth in the early phases of the project and overall organizational tasks are also important. Often the lag incurs on the account of the deviation from the initially set forth conditions based on which the project had been started. The failure to do so results in delay. It also results in the extra resources usage and many more associated functions and discrepancies within the system and project at hand. Transportation means and communication sources are

Approaches To Political Science

Approaches To Political Science During the post- World War II period the predominant impetus that gave augmentation to behaviouralism as an approach to political science was the end of colonialism, and the subsequent birth of many new nation states. There was a general consensus that political science had to get into the game and offer assistance for national development if it was to be relevant to the contemporary world (Pye: 2006, p.799). Kavanagh (1983, p.196) believes that this was driven partly by impatience, growing during the inter-war years, with a perceived preoccupation with formal structures and institutions. Many histories of political science agree that the multi-dimensional and contradictory nature of politics has resulted in relative difficulty in establishing a clear definition of behaviouralism. As Waldo (1975, p. 58) specified whilst writing about the emergence of behaviouralism, what happened wascomplicated and somewhat obscure. Almost all those who endeavour to define behaviouralism acknowledge that every man puts his own emphasis and thereby becomes his own behaviouralist (Easton: 1962 p. 9) and attempts at coming to any complete definition of behaviouralism are probably futile given the diversity of those who followed its banner (Seidelman and Harpham: 1985 p. 151). However, for the purpose of this essay the behaviouralist approach will be defined as an attempt to improve our understanding of politics by seeking to explain the empirical aspects of political life by means of methods, theories, and criteria of proof that are acceptable according to the canons conventions and assumptions of modern empirical science (Dahl: 1961 p.767). The behaviouralistic revolution has had a substantial involvement in the evolution of political science, in which its scientific methodology and value centred approach (Sharma and Sharma: 2003, p.377) has influenced the subject matter and form of political science. Behaviouralism incorporates four foundational assumptions. Firstly, that there are discoverable uniformities in political behaviour commonly referred to as the regularity principle. Attempts to develop generalizations about political behaviour, i.e. to advance hypothesis about the relationships to discover uniformities or regularities or laws (Van Dyke: 1960, p.159). Secondly, behaviouralism dictates that the use empirical data is imperative for the means of maintaining a scientific approach to the study of politics (Brown: 2011). Thirdly, that there is a clear distinction between values and facts. A clear delineation between values and facts as well as, perhaps most importantly, the belief that facts remain neutral between various theories (Brown: 2011, p.2). Lastly, theories should be capable of being tested against observations. Crucially, genuinely explanatory theories must be capable of generating empirical predictions that can be tested against observation (Saunders: 2010, p.52 ). Theoretically at best behavioural research can produce a substantial theoretical and empirical contribution to the understanding and explanation of social behaviour (Sharma and Sharma: 2003, p.380). However, as I will discuss the full application of these assumption is rarely applied. For its advocates, behaviouralism has a number of advantages over other approaches to the study of political science. Possibly the least controversial assertion made on the approachs behalf was that it broadened the scope of political science, loosening previous constraints. Behaviouralism diverted attention away from conventionally legalistic study of constitutions and political institutions towards the political activities of real individuals in all stages of political science perhaps the least controversial claim made on the approchs behalf was that it widened the scope of poltical science. Behaviouralism, argue its champion, focused attention away from traditionally legalistic study of political institutions and consitutions towards the political actions of real people in all levels of political sceience developments in computer hardware and software has enabled the collection and processing of enormous quantities of data a behavioural emphasis is central to teh study of elctions and voting, perhaps the best known and most publiced mainfestation off the study of politics This essay will be split up into 3 parts, critically assessing why behaviouralism is an inadequate approach to the study of political science. Firstly, the essay will argue that an attachment to positivism is an inherent weakness in behaviouralism. Secondly, the essay will argue that both methodological potholes and maintaining subjectivity, challenge the impartiality of data collection, inclusion, and interpretation. Thirdly, the essay will explain why politics is not a natural science, focusing on variations in governance and human behaviour throughout the world. Positivism as a feature of Behaviouralism Positivism is a paradigm which states that all true knowledge is scientific in which all things are ultimately measurable (Brown: 2011, p.3). It is a notion intrinsically related to reductionism, in that both encompass the opinion that entities of one kind () are reducible to entities of another (Kim: 1965, p.318). As positivism is value free it contrasts with normative theory by providing descriptive rather than prescriptive statements. The first major critique of the behaviouralist approach is the opinion that it is inextricably linked to positivism, where it is reasoned that there is little to no room for normative discourse. The cost of the scientific identity to the discipline has been the marginalization of normative political theory (Duvall: 1998, p.1). In fact, positivism calls for an end to normative theory since it did not assist an empirical approach to the study of political science. However, countless scholars regard positivism with disdain, believing it to be adequate reason for the rejection of behaviouralism as a study of political science. Mises (1951) believes that positivism bares three major flaws, which collectively undermine its credibility within any concept, particularly behaviouralism. Behaviouralism complicated link with positivism has meant the political school of thought remains vulnerable to positivist criticisms (Sharma and Sharma: 2003, p.380). Firstly, normative discourse is largely discounted in the behaviouralist approach due to the fact that it cannot be defined by empirical or definitional statements. Similarly, under stringent positivist conditions there is no role for aesthetic and moral arguments, as these are not limited to empirical and definitional statements. Furthermore, there can be no role for the sort of hermeneutic analysis that attempts to understand understand social behaviour through deep reflection about the nature of human perceptions, thought processes and motivations (Sanders: 2010, p.51). If positivism seeks to reject these methods of reflection, the argument runs, it must be at fault. Whilst empiricism results in exactness it also has the additional value of instigating empirically falsifiable hypothesis, therefore it is contented that this dismissal of normative discourse is perilous. Sanders (2010, p.51) explained that the large class of statements that positivism labels as meaningless in fact contain many ideas that can add very significantly to our understanding of social behaviour and the human condition. Although I accept that the rejection of normative theory is paramount to maintaining a neutral inquiry. I believe that the failure to use deductive inquiry discredits the productiveness of behaviouralism in understanding the more subtle workings of the political world. Therefore it is argued that positivists underestimate the intricate relationships between theory and observation, particula rly in separating the effects of phenomena that are interrelated (Sharma and Sharma: 2003, p.379). Secondly, positivism is attacked on the basis of its exclusivity, and the assumption that the study of politics can be emulated by the study of natural science in order to successfully explain social phenomena. For example, one is unable to empirically research the relevant processes that lead to women often failing to ascertain top jobs within business. A positivist would only stick with what can be empirically established, rather than engage in more abstract theoretical reflection. As a direct result positivism fails to acknowledge the spatial trends, processes and intricacies which are involved in socioeconomic and political workings of life (Cloke, Philio and Sadler: 1992 p.15). Kavanagh (1983, p.192) agrees with this stating, normative theory always contains an element of the potential, and its validity is not in any way vitiated by people behaving differently from the pattern lai d down in the theory. Thirdly, positivists are criticised for their autonomy, they argue that science should be neutral, value free and objective. Critics of positivism believe that this creates a false sense of objectivity by artificially separating the observer from the observed, denying the existence of strong correspondence links (ibid, p.14). It is therefore argued that any weakness inherent in positivism must also therefore be inherent in behaviouralism (Sanders: 2010 p.51) and ultimately this acts as a fundamental anchor in the paradigm. Can the study of politics be value free? One of the initial assertions of the early behaviouralists was that hypothetical understanding could only be attained through a process of enquiry that began with theory-free observation of all the facts up to now and which then derived law-like generalizations inductively from the empirical regularities that were observed (Sanders: 2010, p.50). According to behaviouralists researchers take great troubles in order to assert the value free nature of their approach to the study of political science (Bay: 1965) and as result the political analyst is concerned with a scientific study of politics in its functional aspects. As such he has nothing to do with values or morals (Jayapalan: 2002, p.82). Theoretically the scientific methodological approach used in behaviouralism should produce theories and observations which remain unbiased, with a neutral point of view. However, in reality both methodological potholes and pseudo-ethical neutrality compromise the impartiality of empiricism, chal lenging the quality of research and observation. As a result, many critics of behaviouralism have identified numerous problems surrounding the collection, inclusion and interpretation of data, believing them to act as a critical shortcoming of the behaviouralistic approach. Huron (2000, p.3) believes that these fallacies, problems, biases, and effects that scholars have, over the centuries, recognized as confounding the conduct of good research. Although I acknowledge that these problems are not unique to behavioralism, as they affect every study of political science. I believe it is imperative to discuss them as they cause the behaviourists claim of objectivity to be problematic. Ultimately, this weakens the validity of behaviouralism as an approach to the study of political science. Methodological potholes Firstly, a lack of researcher neutrality and objectivity during data collection undermines the consistency and strength of empiricism. Proponents of a perspective may provide asymmetrical (one-sided) information, offering evidence that supports their conclusions while ignoring or suppressing other information (Litman: 2012, p.3). Cloke, Philio and Sadler (1992, p.18) refer to this concept as selective empiricism, in which researchers are able to cherry-pick data in order to obtain favourable outcomes. Questions can be defined, statistics selected and analysis structured to reach a desired outcome (Litman, 2012 p.12). For example, as researchers endeavour to remain policy relevant, this can lead to the production of research that conforms to the priorities of power (Wearing: 2010). Furthermore, the choice of research topics will undoubtedly bare some reflection on the researchers moral and political priorities. Research is framed and conducted is bound to reflect assumptions which wh ether held consciously, semi-consciously or unconsciously remain of a moral and political nature (Wearing: 2010). This selective or crude empiricism negates objectivity and neutrality and results in a lack of uniformity. Therefore, this lack of consistency entirely repudiates the legitimacy of behaviouralism as an adequate approach to the study of political science. Secondly, Sanders (2010) and Easton (1962) have argued that both a tendency towards mindless empiricism (Sanders, 2010, p.52) and a lack of quality empirical data have both undermined the legitimacy of empiricism. Sanders (2010 p.52) has argued that the indiscriminate inclusion of data has caused a situation in which behaviouralist emphasise what can be easily measured rather than what might be theoretically important tending to observe readily observed phenomena (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) rather than the more subtle, and perhaps deeper, structural forces that promote stability and change in social and political systems (Sanders: 2010, p.52-53). Many aspects of political life are subtle and are therefore unquantifiable. For example, the quality of interpersonal relationships between political leaders is not something that one statistically appraise, but yet the extent to which these leaders relate to one another could end up being important as to whether they cooperate. Similarly, Easton (196 2) supports this contention and believes that these more subtle workings of politics coupled with a lack of quality data has resulted in difficultly when using empirically falsifiable methods, and thus it has been suggested that behaviouralists chose their studies based on what is simple to test empirically, and not on the basis of academic worth. Not in light of theoretical or ethical relevance, but largely on grounds of accidental availability of technically adequate means of research (ibid, p.19). Sanders (2010) further supports this contention, asserting that in order to preserve the integrity of behaviouralism, behaviouralists have a tendency to circumvent or reject explanations that cannot be tested empirically. To rectify these issues would necessitate the abandonment of strict empiricism (Easton: 1962, p.19), which in quintessence is the pillar of behaviouralism. Whilst it would undeniable expand the credibility and relevance of the paradigm, abandoning such a fundamental fa cet would act to challenge and circumvent the other criteria that the paradigm necessitates. Ultimately, a deficiency of data combined with gratuitous empiricism suggests that behaviouralism is an incomplete notion; consequently this undermines its credibility as an adequate approach to the study of political science. Different understandings lead to different explanations The initial behaviouralists declared their approach to social enquiry to be both value-free and scientific. They claimed not be seeking to justify any particular ethical or political stance (Sanders: 2010, p.51) but rather sought to uncover the facts through impartial observation and to offer politically-neutral theories that would explain them in the most parsimonious way (ibid). However, as Nietzsche (1880) famously said there are no facts, only interpretations, no more so does this apply than to the interpretation of empirical data. Many critics of behaviouralism believe that different scholars studying the same problem are able to come to different conclusions, this initiated the argument that different understanding leads to different explanations. Be it subconsciously or intentional researchers are able to manipulate observations and theory, this undermines the objectivity of the test. Above all, the researcher himself is influenced to a certain extent, by his value preferences (Jayapalan: 2002, p.83). Many critics adamantly dispute the possibility of researcher neutrality, believing researcher bias to be inevitable. It is contended that objective theory and observation is always impossible, as some level of initial theoretical understanding is needed prior to the researcher deciding what will, and what should be observed. Sibley (1967) concurs with this criticism, and cites that the political investigator, no less than others, must have some notion of his own order of priorities before he proceeds to use the behavioural or any other approach (ibid, p.53). Hollis Smith (1991) support both these statements, explaining that there is no way of relating experience freely of its interpretation There are no brute facts-no facts prior to interpretation (ibid, p.52) Ultimately, it is suggested that researcher impartiality is idealistic and naÃÆ' ¯ve, and even subconsciously researchers are able to influence theory and observation. Marsh and Furlong (2002) sup ports this contention, going further to suggest that this is caused by any knowledge we derive (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) is mediated by the concepts we use to analyse it, so there is no way of classifying, or even describing, experience without interpreting it (ibid, p.23). Ultimately, I believe that a researchers individual experiences and values are inescapable, and thus are inseparable from their research. It this lack of uniformity and neutrality which causes the behaviouralists claims that theory can be objective to be a largely irresolvable weakness. Politics does not emulate the natural sciences In order to theorise the behaviouralist assume generalisations or tendency statements to help study the observed and observable. They believe there to be an expectable pattern in political phenomenon in which the regularity principle can be applied to political behaviour (Jayapalan: 2002). Political scientists operated under the pretence that humankind was perfectible and therefore a dependence on scientific political information would help to solve societal and political troubles indefinitely (Merriam: 1934). To some extent this is true, society and mankind can be predicable. There are many regularities in social life, such as getting out of bed, going to work, or reading a morning paper (Kavanagh: 1983, p.194). However, this is not always the case; both politics and humankind can be highly unpredictable in their nature, encompassing countless unforeseen circumstances and irregularities. Therefore, it is contended that there are no uniformities and laws on human behaviour and political science. . There are no regularities in political reality as it consists largely of unique elements (ibid, p.82). Therefore, it is argued that these unobservable factors and variations in politics throughout the world undermine behaviourism as a study of politics. Behaviouralists exclude the norms of human teleology (Johari: 2006, p.611). Traditionalists believe that as politics and human nature is diverse and complicated, it therefore cannot be generalised by certain pattern and regularities within human behaviour. Thus it is argued that social phenomena are [sic] quite different from natural phenomena and require different strategies of explanation. (Kavanagh: 1983, p.195) Human behaviour is shaped through culture, environment and experiences. It forms unique principles, inspirations and motives which vary from person to person. Thus, I believe that as individualism flourishes, behaviour cannot be categorised and uniformed together as mutuality. It is too easy to speak of a groups or nations behaviour as if it were identical with that of the individual person (Eulau: 1962, p.15). Hindmoor (2006) provides a good example of the unpredictability of human behaviour, finding that large numbers of the electorate, for example, do not vote for parties with policies and strategies that would leave them better off. One explanation for this finding is that voters rationally pursue interests other than their own material wellbeing (ibid, p.52). Yet these ulterior motives are impossible to gauge and quantify, providing yet another shortcoming of behaviouralism. Human ingenuity was always capable of evading them, in which they would lose their validity (Varma: 1979, p. 29). In addition, some aspects are politics are far too complicated and diverse for the use of empiricism. An area where a morally laden approach such as foreign aid is needed causes the behavioural approach to appear inadequate. The behavioural approach is able to deliver reliable knowledge only with regard to political commonplaces or trivia (Easton: 1962 p.19). Johari (2006) goes further, believing that too many inconsistencies and historic contingencies exist within human nature to allow anything but a very general kind of statement of uniformities. Ultimately, modern day politics operates on a global basis encompassing many cultures and forms and styles of government. Therefore, I believe that a major flaw of behaviouralism is that it is too narrow in its approach, ignoring global variations in human behaviour and styles of governance. Behaviouralists are charged with committing crimes of vulgar reductionism (Johari: 2006, p.611), and ultimately this acts as a fundamental a nchor in the paradigm. Conclusion In conclusion, although it is contended by certain scholars that there are some undoubted benefits of a behaviourist approach to the study of political science, the weaknesses contained within the theory are insurmountable. This essay accepts the three key epistemological criticisms of positivism. Firstly, that it marginalises normative and metaphysical discourse; this prevents one from fully understanding the subtle intricacies of politics. Secondly, positivism is challenged on the basis of its exclusivity, which thus fails to recognise the spatial trends, processes and intricacies which are involved in socioeconomic and political workings of life. Thirdly, I reject positivism based upon its autonomy of knowledge, which artificially detaches the observer from the observed. This intrinsic relationship between behaviouralism and positivism has meant that behaviouralism remains susceptible to the criticism of positivism. Therefore on this basis it undermines behaviouralism as an adequa te approach to the study of political science. Furthermore, I reject the regularities principle as a credible feature of behaviourism. Although I have acknowledged that some regularity exists in society, the nature of mankind and politics is largely unpredictable, and cannot be associated with the natural sciences because of this. In addition, although I have accepted that methodological potholes and researcher bias are not unique to just behaviouralism, I believe that they undermine behaviouralisms fundamental aim to remain objective. Ultimately, because of these three reasons I believe behavioralism lacks any real validity as an adequate approach to the study of political science.

College Students and Suicide

College Students and Suicide College Students and Suicide By contrast, only 15. 3 percent of Americans overall have had such thoughts, the World Health Organization’s World Mental Health Survey Initiative reported last February. The survey, part of a wider-ranging continuing study on student suicidal behaviors being conducted by David Drum, a professor of education psychology at the University of Texas at Austin, questioned 26,000 undergraduate and graduate students at 70 U. S. institutions. The results raise the startling suggestion that suicidal thoughts could be a common experience on par with substance abuse, depression and eating disorders, Drum said. The survey defined considering suicide as having at least one episode of suicidal thinking at some point. Slightly more than half of students said they fit that category, which is known as suicide ideation. When researchers asked about more serious episodes, 15 percent said they had â€Å"seriously considered† attempting suicide. More than 5 percent of students said they had actually attempted suicide, which is the second-leading cause of death for college students, compared to its ranking of ninth among the U. S. population at large, according to the National Alliance on Mental Health. 2 â€Å"Relief from emotional or physical pain† was the top reason students cited for suicidal thinking, followed by problems with romantic relationships. A generalized desire to end their lives was next, followed by problems with school or academics. The study extrapolated that at an average college with 18,000 undergraduate students, 1,080 of them would seriously contemplate taking their lives in any year, numbers that pose troubling issues for college administrators. The survey identified growing levels of distress among college students and diminishing resources to handle the consequences. They found that half of students who had had suicidal thoughts never sought counseling or treatment. We know only a quarter of suicide patients are our clients, which means 75 percent of them never come through our doors,† said Chris Brownson, director of the Counseling and Mental Health Center at the University of Texas. Drum and other researchers said colleges needed a new model, shifting the emphasis from narrowly focused treatments involving suicidal students and a small number of mental health professionals, to one hat involved the entire campus in addressing student stresses. Suicide is a public and mental issue. The focus on dec reasing the numbers needs to be on prevention, building resilience in students and creating supportive communities. In college students, the warning signs of depression which ultimately leads to suicide are, a previous suicide attempt, talking about suicide, and drug or alcohol abuse

Bartleby in Herman

Most individuals assume their positions at work, home or community and accept them to be their assigned roles. These responsibilities become their purpose for living—whether they believe these roles to have been chosen by them or decided for them by God or fate. People work hard in life because they want to do the best out of the roles they believe they are given to fulfill. However, for the character of Bartleby in Herman Melville’s short story, nothing in life is worth living for.In Bartleby, the reader sees that people can choose to be free from the conflicts of life by simply giving up everything, and by not allowing oneself to do what society expects them to do. To emphasize this point, the author uses the character of the Lawyer, the narrator of the story, and his conflict with Bartleby. The Lawyer can be seen as a character who both reflects a combination of Bartleby, the person who does not care about everything around him, and the average people who care a lot about what they do and how others regard them.In the beginning of the story, the Lawyer is introduced to readers by making him describe himself. He is an old man who is proud of the fact that he does not work so hard like others: â€Å"I am†¦filled with a profound conviction that the easiest way of life is the best†¦I am one of those unambitious lawyers who never addresses a jury, or in any way draws down public applause; but in the cool tranquility of a snug retreat, do a snug business among rich men's bonds and mortgages and title-deeds. † He calls himself a â€Å"safe† man.He avoids conflict and confrontations, is seldom angry and his biggest complaint in life is to work in an office with a bad window view. He hires Bartleby into his office because he likes the quietness of the man. Like him, Bartleby looks like a man who also has no big ambitions in life. Furthermore, when the Lawyer learns that Bartleby has made the office his home, he feels for the man and sympathizes with his loneliness: â€Å"Before, I had never experienced aught but a not unpleasing sadness. The bond of a common humanity now drew me irresistibly to gloom.A fraternal melancholy! For both I and Bartleby were sons of Adam. † Their difference appears, however, when Bartleby begins to act strangely and when this strangeness worsens through the passing months. One day, when the Lawyer asks him to do something, Bartleby answers, â€Å"I would prefer not to. † At another time, when the Lawyer asks him to â€Å"comply with†¦a request made according to common usage and common sense†, Bartleby gives the same answer. Then, Bartleby not only refuses to do little errands for the Lawyer, he refuses to work altogether.And when the Lawyer asks him to leave the office since he declares he is tired of his work as a scrivener, he refuses. The Lawyer is forced to move because he could not make the other man leave and the other lawyers who visit his office starts talking about the strange Bartleby. However, Bartleby’s presence gives the next tenant the same trouble. The Lawyer then decides to talk to him about what he wants but Bartleby replies that he would simply â€Å"like to be stationary. † He does not even accept the Lawyer’s invitation to just live in his house.Finally, the new tenant calls the police and they bring Bartleby to jail where he eventually dies. Bartleby’s conflict with the Lawyer shows the reader how strange Bartleby is if one uses the normal rules that people live by as criteria for determining whether an action is normal or not. His non-reaction is a show of rebellion at social rules like the need to be friendly to one’s fellows, the need to work even if one does not want to in order to survive, the rule to live only in the house that one owns, and to follow orders from one’s boss. Bartleby is a man who has given up on all of these.One could say that he has completely gi ven up on life. The Lawyer could not leave Bartleby alone because a part of him could understand Bartleby. He lacks ambition and he â€Å"wants the easiest way of life. † These aspects of his personality could be seen to be just like the life that Bartleby chooses. And so, the Lawyer tries his best to find a way to make Bartleby accept his offers of a normal life, even an easy life where Bartleby would be allowed to do nothing only that he would live in the Lawyer’s home. But Bartleby keeps his decision to stay in the building.In the end, however, the Lawyer himself gives up on Bartleby. He cannot totally leave behind his old life and give everything up like Bartleby does. Unlike Bartleby, he is still controlled by the need to be accepted by his fellow lawyers and be considered normal by other people. Allowing Bartleby to remain in his office would make the Lawyer look as strange as the other man. When he chose to resist following the rules of normal living, Bartleby c hooses to die even as he still breathes and eats. By leaving Bartleby, the Lawyer chooses to live.